Putin and Russian foreign policy goals

Putin and Russian foreign policy goals

-Dr. Abdul Ruff Colachal

_____

 

 

With his electoral win as President for the fourth term in modern Russia in a highly dramatic manner unheard in democratic poll history, President Putin would feel in total control of the country’s system and opposition.

At the very outset it needs to be stressed that Putn does not believe in western ideas of democracy of ruing a nation for maximum of two terms and stand down from entertaining further political ambitions.

Unless the previous Presidency polls in Russia, the election this time around was fairly predictable as people longed to see Putin making Russian presidency stronger. Unlike the self-boast claims of highly inflammable and erratic US President Donald Trump about “USA first” – as if USA had never pursed that policy before him and advanced interests of the world, Putin never made such foolish statements but  strictly pursued “Russia first” policy vehemently. One achievement is the recovering the Crimea region from Ukraine by ignoring all objections of USA and allies. Now Russia dictates terms to USA in Syria.

Putin could claim that he is fulfilling the demands of the people wanting     a strong presidency that only he can provide. Like in Saudi Arabia the rulers just  do not entrain  extreme  experiments to make a sea change in the system for the  anti-royal  fringes to remove the  kingdom and establish their own dictatorship with US-Israeli backing in the name of so-called democracy, Russia also is keen  their system is not dismantled as per the designs of anti-Islamic forces. Moreover, the West suspects President Putin might revert Russia back to Soviet era system that would upset entire agenda of the West that after having succeeded in a big way, into eventual jeopardy. They keep calculating the post-Putin Russia but Putin still remains in full control.

A lively debate is on in the West and elsewhere about Putin’s’ new foreign policy if any. Obviously, President Putin would choose his course very carefully and he is quite capable of that.

Russia, like any other big nation, has its own fancies about its place in the world but the world turned out to be more unpredictable and complicated than many Russians thought.

True, Russian economy received a jolt in the form of economic terrorism from USA and EU known as “sanctions” on account of Crimea annexation.

Apparently, Russian leadership did not expect the West to introduce strong sanctions after Crimea and to stick with them for years though Russian action is final. However, China compensated the Kremlin for the huge economic loss in Western investments and trade deficits.

President Putin may have expected Hillary Clinton to win the US elections and become a tough anti-Russian president but the election of Donald Trump gave some hope so improvement in bilateral ties. Russia expected fanatic Donald Trump to become a soft Russia-friendly president. Russia did not expect the EU to sudden collapse under the weight of its own in internal contradictions at the wake of Brexit.

Arguably Trump has an unshakeable belief that he is uniquely positioned to defuse a dangerous standoff with Moscow by courting Putin.

Trump congratulated Putin on his election victory, and spoke in an upbeat manner about talks he hoped to hold with him soon, billing their meeting rather like a Reagan-Gorbachev summit from the 1980s. This is the latest example of his unusual deference to Putin, following the 2016 election in which US intelligence agencies assessed the Russians intervened on his behalf. But the White House says that Russia assaulted American democracy, used a nerve agent in an attack on the soil of its closest ally, Britain, and just held an election that cannot be judged free and fair. Yet the President did not bring up any of those issues during a telephone chat with Putin, White House spokeswoman Sarah Sanders said.

An innocent looking Barack Obama did it in 2012 by greeting Putin, as he tried to keep his Russia “reset” strategy alive. But any interactions between Trump and Putin are closely watched given the special counsel investigation into Russian election meddling.

Putin meanwhile is one of the groups of autocrats and global strongmen that Trump seems to admire — an odd quirk in an American President who often appears tougher on allies than US foes, except that he promotes aggressively the Zionist expansionist agenda in Palestine against the UN demand to promote Palestine and International Law condemning all Zionist crimes against humanity. . .

Russia expects Ukraine to collapse under the weight of its unreformed economy, corruption and unruly political passions because US support for East European nation with communist background is not genuine.

Putin expects the settlement in Syria, where Russian military plays important role to help Assad stay alive and kicking while Syrians keep dying  for him, to be a lot easier now.

Russian foreign policy predictions have occasioned a lively foreign policy debate in Moscow as well – on the meaning of Donald Trump, on the fate of the European Union, on what to expect from China, from Near Abroad, on what next in Syria and Donbas.

There has been a constant demand from liberals – both foreign policy thinkers and economic technocrats – to improve the relations with the West for purposefully advancing its national interest, starting possibly from stabilizing the situation in Donbas. They fail to recognize the fact the USA opposes any better ties with Russia and China. The processes of dismantling of mighty Soviet Union and Socialist system in the entire east Europe, braking down of Berlin Wall, etc were enacted by Michael Gorbachev  in order to improve relationship with USA and Europe but alas only USA won the Cold war and Eastern Europe and made Russia feel for the loss of great nation status.

Yet, former finance minister Alexei Kudrin succinctly argues, “if we want our economy to grow, and grow smartly, we need to improve the relations with the West.” The West remains the best source for modernisation. The need for technocratic modernisation – the need to master the world of artificial intelligence, blockchains and other 21st century wonders – seems to be understood also by President Putin, at least intellectually, if not passionately.

 

Stabilization in Donbas, according to this camp, is the best place to start. Progress there would help to restart the relations with the European Union, and that might be of help at a time when the relations with the US are deadlocked because Russia has become a domestic issue in the US.

 

However, most of Russians see though the American-Israeli straggles to belittle Russia and simply oppose and even hate USA ad Western civilization. Then this dovetails with a foreign policy argument that holds that Russian foreign policy is overstretched and would benefit from ending a few conflicts.

 

The other camp in Moscow, thus, remains skeptical. They fear the West will view ‘concessions’ from Russia as a sign of weakness; or that rapprochement with the West would make Russia’s non-Western allies – from Iran to China – fear Russian ‘betrayal’.

 

Iran has already experienced such treatment in its relations with Russia in the 1990s and early 2000s, when Moscow used Tehran as a mere bargaining chip in its relationship with the USA. The same way USA used Pakistan a tool to improve relations with China after its success in misusing Islamabad to gain access to petrodollars n Arab world.

.

However, the sceptical camp is being advised by the West to agree on one crucial point: foreign policy indeed needs to change. Saudi Arabia is also following their footsteps without having any idea about the long term outcomes

 

Anti-Russia rhetoric and tactics continue to work in the west. They also work in the Middle East, where Russia now effectively owns the conflict in Syria and, to stay on top of the diplomatic process, it needs effective relations with all regional powers. They do not work in the West, because there, Donald Trump is now the disruptor-in-chief; and an unpredictable one at that. But USA is keen to see that the primitively anti-Western rhetoric and tactics that centre on disruption do not work anymore in Moscow. This requires predictable behavior. Surprise invasions have done their job, done it well in Moscow’s eyes – but their time seems to be far from over.

 

Such was the state of the debate when, in the afternoon of March 4, a former GRU employee and British double agent Sergei Skripal was found unconscious on the bench in Salisbury, poisoned with the nerve agent Novichok, the only known earlier producer of which was USSR/Russia. But now any country could produce and sell. Israel is known for such mischievous endeavors and USA diplomatically supports all secret Zionist operations.

 

UK quickly blames on Russia and personally on Putin as their usual strategy. This crime remains puzzling. Murders of exchanged spies – as Skripal was – have not been part of Moscow’s behavior so far. Was the only aim to kill a traitor? In that case, most other means would have been simpler than nerve agent.

 

UK might have expected a poor show by Puitn in the presidency poll.  The domestic political incentives are likely. Could it have been indeed ordered by President Putin – with full knowledge of international implications? Or was it the job of some powerful Russian agencies without Putin’s knowledge, or maybe sanctioned only in very broad terms? In that case, will the Kremlin manage to distance itself from them, and do so with the level of publicity that would satisfy the West?

 

Such questions are raised in the West. No one knows for sure who does what.

 

Of course the issue is just starting point for Putn to just ignore and move on further with prudent foreign policy goals to remobilize entire anti-West and anti-West world to fight colonialism capitalism, imperialism, fascism and US brand Zionism.

The inconsistency in the Trump regime’s approach to Russia adds to uncertainty about how the West will respond to Putin’s growing willingness to exercise power beyond his borders.

Western policy toward Russia is not going to change dramatically for years. .

By shuffling the team members, Trump looks for opportunities to p advance the unilateral America to impose its military prowess on the world stage.

Russian voters are right: only President Putn can do that and assure peace prosperity for entire world. .

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Cricketism: Match-fixing, ball tampering, fake records are normal in cricket!

 

Cricketism:  Match-fixing, ball tampering, fake records are normal in cricket!

Dr. Abdul Ruff Colachal

_______

 

 

 

 

Cricket has never been a genuine sport as it allows all sorts of wrong doing, illegal operations, silently. Cricket mafias who regulate cricket match outcomes do not come to light.  

 

As politicians and officials make money extra money illegally and immorally, the cricketers also do the same with state backing.

 

Cricket promotes fake record holders, frauds and match fixers- silently. Pro-batboy pitch making to help a particular team to take advantage, toss tempering bowler mischief in favor of batboys.

 

Ball tempering cases come up regularly but match-fixing by the team concerned have never been brought to the public domain.  

 

Australian cricketers have been caught tempering with the balls to get wickets against the South Africans.  

Most of Indian IPL payers are well versed with ball tempering but their cameras do not expose them and go into details and help the IPL bosses and players continue to cheat and mint money.

 

In fact, cricket has never been a sport of gentlemen. Cricketers are great frauds,  match fixings, bal tempering, pitch tampering, toss tampering, runouts, seeking 100s and 50s as the ICC  and other cricket boards  impose ruled  to help the batboys  get easy runs in 6s, 4s and 2s,etc. 

 

Interestingly, the cricket boards instruct the bowlers to try to take wickets without targeting the stumps or trying for LBW. LBW is the easiest method to get wickets but bowlers not do that but only offers many runs. When bowlers lose patience and hopes for a wicket, they go for ball tampering so that a wicket falls.

 

That to say, the ICC must revise the cricket rules to make the cricket and pitch neutral and not anti-bowler.

Cricket rules starting from pitch-making pamper the batboys and force the bowlers’ toil without successes in taking wickets but only offer too many runs. Bowlers struggle to take wickets as batboys are empowered to make merry at the crease.

 

It is big joke that in 20/20 the ICC rules allow 11 batboys to play but in real sense only 5or 6 batboys should be allowed to bat. This is because they want the batboys to get enough runs. .

 

Bowlers are encouraged by cricket boards and ICC to offer too many runs to bowlers, trouble not the poor but heroic batboys by targeting their stumps, but they are safe and shielded by cricket boards, mafias and corporate lords who sponsor matches.  

 

Rarely close scrutinies takes place about forgery and fraudulence in cricket matches and punish the bowlers if UK and India are keen punish those teams that are better than themselves.

 

Pakistan has been the target of Indo UK duo and their best bowlers have been punished.  

 

Since cricket is meant for pure entertainment of the rich fellows as the bowlers are  paid to offer 100s and 50s to batboys boy rotation so that they could garner national award and   swindle wealth through various gimmicks like advertisements.

 

If the cricket boards have decided to get national wards for certain batboy, they would also arrange to fix matches to help the batboys concerned get special 100s etc.

 

In these bogus record generations, even the governments are involved.

 

 

The latest ball tampering by a captain himself brings to light the nature of bogus records and the secret deals taking place behind the scone. Australian captain Smith and Vice Captain Warner have resigned, and government has initiated investigations – maybe as a pure gimmick.

 

Ball tampering is a criminal by intention and action in a field known as the Gentlemen’s sport.  But the ICC has barred Australian captain Smith just for a match as punishment for ball tampering operations fooling the general public who buy tickets to watch the entertainment. Keeping the players out of field for one match allows enough rest for players and that is not any punishment at all.

 

In fact Smith should have been barred for at least 5 years, if not for life, so that other bowlers/players would learn a good lesson and cricket could become a less hazardous though the outcomes can never be genuine and truthful.

How to end official match fixings by the cricket boards for special runs for batboys?  How can you forgive the official match fixings for any purpose?

In fact the official match fixing is root cause of all fixings and ball tampering in cricketism. IPL type joint cricket exercises spoil whatever credibility cricket could claim.

Match-fixing, ball tampering, fake records are normal in cricket and they are being promoted by the cricket boards and ICC to make cricket look interesting, thrilling and extra profitable. Profits are shared by all concerned including the governments, boards, players and mafia guys.

 

That makes batboys the favorite beneficiaries on the cricket field for big runs in 6s and 4s and big awards and cash from the regime. .

 

That is Cricketism!

Ball tampering, match fixing is normal in cricket

Ball tampering, match fixing is normal in cricket

 

Cricket has never been a genuine sport as it allows all sorts of wrong doing, illegal operations, silently. Cricket mafias who regulate cricket match outcomes do not come to light.

As politicians and officals make money extra money illegally and immorally, the cricketers also do the same with state backing.

Cricket promotes fake record holders, frauds and match fixers- silently. Pro-batboy pitch making to help a particular team to take advantage, toss tempering bowler mischief in favor of batboys.

Ball tempering cases come up regularly but match-fixing by the team concerned have never been brought to the public domain.

Australian cricketers have been caught tempering with the balls to get wickets against the South Africans.

Most of Indian IPL payers are well versed with ball tempering but their cameras do not expose them and go into details and help the IPL bosses and players continue to cheat and mint money.

In fact, cricket has never been a sport of gentlemen. Cricketers are great frauds,  match fixings, bal tempering, pitch tampering, toss tampering, runouts, seeking 100s and 50s as the ICC  and other cricket boards  impose ruled  to help the batboys  get easy runs in 6s, 4s and 2s,etc.

Interestingly, the cricket boards instruct the bowlers to try to take wickets without targeting the stumps or trying for LBW. LBW is the easiest method to get wickets but bowlers not do that but only offers many runs. When bowlers lose patience and hopes for a wicket, they go for ball tampering so that a wicket falls.

That is to say, the ICC must revise the cricket rules to make the cricket and pitch neutral and not anti-bowler.

Cricket rules starting from pitch-making pamper the batboys and force the bowlers’ toil without successes in taking wickets but only offer too many runs. Bowlers struggle to take wickets as batboys are empowered to make merry at the crease.

It is big joke that in 20/20 the ICC rules allow 11 batboys to play but in real sense only 5or 6 batboys should be allowed to bat. This is because they want the batboys to get enough runs. .

Bowlers are encouraged by cricket boards and ICC to offer too many runs to bowlers, trouble not the poor but heroic batboys by targeting their stumps, but they are safe and shielded by cricket boards, mafias and corporate lords who sponsor matches.

Rarely close scrutinies takes place about forgery and fraudulence in cricket matches and punish the bowlers if UK and India are keen punish those teams that are belter than themselves.

UK and India are not happy that Australia thrashed London in their usual Ashes tournament recently and UK wants to take revenge on Australia. The opportunity came to soon and Australians are ashamed.

Pakistan has been the target of Indo UK duo and their best bowlers have been punished.

Since cricket is meant for pure entertainment of the rich fellows as the bowlers are  paid to offer 100s and 50s to batboys boy rotation so that they could garner national award and   swindle wealth through various gimmicks like advertisements.

If the cricket boards have decided to get national wards for certain batboy, they would also arrange to fix matches to help the batboys concerned get special 100s etc.

In these bogus record generations, even the governments are involved.

Ball tampering is normal in cricket

Ball tampering is normal in cricket

 

Cricket has never been a genuine sport as it allows all sorts of wrong doing, illegal operations, silently. Cricket mafias who regulate cricket match outcomes do not come to light.

As politicians and officals make money extra money illegally and immorally, the cricketers also do the same with state backing.

Cricket promotes fake record holders, frauds and match fixers- silently. Pro-batboy pitch making to help a particular team to take advantage, toss tempering bowler mischief in favor of batboys.

Ball tempering cases come up regularly but match-fixing by the team concerned have never been brought to the public domain.

Australian cricketers have been caught tempering with the balls to get wickets against the South Africans.

Most of Indian IPL payers are well versed with ball tempering but their cameras do not expose them and go into details and help the IPL bosses and players continue to cheat and mint money.

In fact, cricket has never been a sport of gentlemen. Cricketers are great frauds,  match fixings, bal tempering, pitch tampering, toss tampering, runouts, seeking 100s and 50s as the ICC  and other cricket boards  impose ruled  to help the batboys  get easy runs in 6s, 4s and 2s,etc.

Interestingly, the cricket boards instruct the bowlers to try to take wickets without targeting the stumps or trying for LBW. LBW is the easiest method to get wickets but bowlers not do that but only offers many runs. When bowlers lose patience and hopes for a wicket, they go for ball tampering so that a wicket falls.

That to say, the ICC must revise the cricket rules to make the cricket and pitch neutral and not anti-bowler.

Cricket rules starting from pitch-making pamper the batboys and force the bowlers’ toil without successes in taking wickets but only offer too many runs. Bowlers struggle to take wickets as batboys are empowered to make merry at the crease.

It is big joke that in 20/20 the ICC rules allow 11 batboys to play but in real sense only 5or 6 batboys should be allowed to bat. This is because they want the batboys to get enough runs. .

Bowlers are encouraged by cricket boards and ICC to offer too many runs to bowlers, trouble not the poor but heroic batboys by targeting their stumps, but they are safe and shielded by cricket boards, mafias and corporate lords who sponsor matches.

Rarely close scrutinies takes place about forgery and fraudulence in cricket matches and punish the bowlers if UK and India are keen punish those teams that are belter than themselves.

Pakistan has been the target of Indo UK duo and their best bowlers have been punished.

Since cricket is meant for pure entertainment of the rich fellows as the bowlers are  paid to offer 100s and 50s to batboys boy rotation so that they could garner national award and   swindle wealth through various gimmicks like advertisements.

If the cricket boards have decided to get national wards for certain batboy, they would also arrange to fix matches to help the batboys concerned get special 100s etc.

In these bogus record generations, even the governments are involved.

 

 

India: RSS-BJP fascist duo challenges judiciary over Babri Mosque judgment!

India:  RSS-BJP fascist duo challenges judiciary over Babri Mosque judgment!

 – Dr. Abdul Ruff Colachal

______

 

The poisonous RSS-BJP fascist forces continue to dictate terms to India, its media lords and voters. They say everything in India must be done according their fanatic tastes. They have already begun attacking and killing Muslims over issues that are merely fictitious. The attacks and lynching are being committed against Muslims in order to terrorize both Muslims and Hindu voters.  That makes the Hindu voters vulnerable to choose only the BJP type arrogant parties as Hindus, interestingly, become scared of powerless Muslims.

 

That is the victory of the RSS-BJP fanatics.  For their existence, blooming and controlling the nation the Hindutva guys should be grateful to the Congress party and Indian state. Even many Congress and communist people sport the “Sanyasi kaavi “ dress to let the Hindu voters identify them also as  Hindutva supporters. Muslims have no maturity to decode the  symbolic Hindu actions of the politics .

 

Thanks to the continuous support from Congress and other fanatic parties pretending to be secular, the BJP and RSS have become very strong in India.

 

The poisonous and racist RSS and BJP contuse to destroy the benefits of freedom India got from Britishers.

 

These fascist forces think that India belongs exclusively to them only and Muslims and others including the real and normal positively thinking Hindus have no right n the country and these fanatic Zionist Hindutva nuts are eager to push India into darkness once again.

 

The  Hindu communal duo RSS-BJP has mobilized the extremist Hindus- that were used by them to dismantle the historic Babri Mosque in 1992,  to object to the judiciary to ant genuine judgment on the ghastly destruction of national historic monument called Babri Mosque in favor of truth by being on the side of Babri Mosque and against Hindutva which considers returning the historic Babri mosque back to its owners the Muslims, would amount to insulting the Hindutva fascist forces led by RSS-BJP duo.

 

BJP-RSS calculates that if they could mobilize Hindu mobs against Babri mosque belonging to the minority Muslims, the Apex Court which has reserved its judgment, would change the verdict to promote Hindutva as Indian judicial ideology. The Modi regime must be busy in   arm-twisting the judges to write a pro-Hindutva judgment because, they argue, as once Hindu criminals are punished that would be extremely bad for RSS-BJP Hindutva political trade in the country.

 

The ultra fanatic RSS-BJP-VHP trio has been provoking the nation and judiciary with all Indian Hindutva agitations called ”Rath yatra” central to anti-Islam politics for Hindu votes.

 

The Modi government is exploiting the weak AIADMK government in  Tamil Nadu to push through its BJP agenda which, after flourishing  on  profitable alliance with both DMK and AIADMK in poll politics, got back to zero  sum as both the  Dravidian parties have decided not to promote Hindutva forces in the state to  poison the Tamil minds. However,  the ruling AIADMK government granted permission to the RSS-BJP “Rath yatra” to pass through gaining support for Hindutva ideology as the extra “patriotic” terror.

 

Tamil Nadu government should have denied permission to RSS-BJP for the “Rath yatra” which is essentially anti-national, anti-constitutional and anti-secular nation. Promotion of Hindutva moorings in the state would make the ruling AIADMK stable or strong, but rather it would be weakened sooner or later.

 

Opposition DMK acting president and opposition leader in the Assembly MK Stalin, who had urged the state government to not allow the yatra inside Tamil Nadu to ensure peace, staged a walkout in the state Assembly over the issue. Stalin had released a statement saying the rath yatra, if allowed in Tamil Nadu, will disturb communal harmony and peace in the state. He had also said that allowing the yatra would be contempt of court as the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid dispute case is pending before a Constitution Bench of Supreme Court. He added that the move by the VHP can also been seen as a pressure tactic.

 

Hitting out at Chief Minister Palaniswami, Stalin had said that the AIADMK leader had given the nod to the yatra to protect his government and chief ministership.  Following their call for protest, section 144 was enforced in Tirunelveli. area with immediate effect, and would remain imposed till March 23.

 

The 39-day Ram Rajya Rath Yatra was flagged off from Ayodhya in February and is slated to end in Rameswaram on March 25. While initially Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath was expected to flag it off, but he skipped.

 

The yatra wherein the assassins of Babri Mosque and Muslims are participating is being carried on a special wooden carved Rath (chariot), depicting design and replica of the proposed Lord Ram temple in Ayodhya.

 

BJP is keen to use the Babri Mosque issue for the next general poll in 2019.

 

Senior actors like Kamal Hasan and Rajinikanth who claims to be politicians in Tamil Nadu have not made any remarks about Hindutva criminalization of Indian politics and its efforts to stage a comeback in Tamil Nadu.

 

Obviously, these actors have no interest in the future of the state and people but only want to make political wealth out of pathetic existence of Tamils. Rajnikanth is eager to be accepted by Tamils as their god at par with fake fixer in sports, cricketer Sachin Tendulkar.

 

The BJP is interested in Hindu vote banks in Karnataka where the next general poll is due and BJP is eager to take back the government from the Congress party. That is reason why the Modi government continues to ignore the orders of Supreme Court to institute Kaveri board to regulate Cauvery water flow from Karnataka to Tamil Nadu.

 

The national outfits BJP and Congress continue to maintaining their secret links and make many thinkers and critics of RSS disappear.

 

However r, people see through the Hindutva game plans and put the Congress on life saving medication for its arrogance and harms done to the nation and BJP is being already rejected by the people of India.

 

Certainly, the BJP without any genuine concern for the people would fall into the dust bin in due course.  The way the Congress party has been shifted to waste bin clearly shows the ultra fanatic BJP would also be in a worse position in due course.

 

Indians would reject all brands of fanaticism in due course

 

Very recently  the ruling BJP has shockingly lost  the bypolls in a few states where  the third front parties have won the seats, making it clear that BJP would be out for its pure gimmicks, while Congress party lost deposit amounts. India hates Congress as well as BJP. That is the Indian verdict.

 

The Congress and its so-called secular allies with tacit RSS links have made the RSS-BJP powerful. While RSS used to support the Congress party, giving an edge in the polls, now they directly promote the Hindutva parties like the lynching BJP.

 

Both Congress party and BJP advanced India’s sovereign interest that includes containing Indian Muslims, harming the genuine interest of Muslim  in jobs where they face maximum troubles from Hindu bosses  and eventually quit jobs and seek voluntary retirement but Indian regime pursue the policy further to deny even pensions to Muslims.

 

Leaders of Congress and other parties are annoyed now with the Modi government not for misgovernance or not fulfilling the premises offered to the people but for not allowing them also to take away parts of profits as their own due share. The Congress regime let other parties also to loot and share the profits of the Indian government but the BJP government is choosy about whom to allow taking away resources.

 

The Congress is being attacked by BJP government for being dependent on one dynasty. This assault has to be parried and that is why it is being showcased that Congress had a range of leaders and it is not run by only one dynasty.

 

The BJP exploited ht split in the erstwhile Janata Party experiment and formed the BJP by taking away big chuck of Janata party workers and leaders, offering them posts. Now the BJP offers huge money and posts to anyone seeking to enter the BJP outfit. But the Congress party did not have to do even that it  took advantage of  the then Congress freedom struggle launched by Mahatma Gondi who had rightly advised Nehru to disband the freedom moment known as Congress and launch a new party for  the independent India but Nehru and friends wanitng to rule andejnoy life  rejected the Gandhian advice and wanted to use the popularity of Gandhi and the freedom movement for the elections.

 

But people have turned the Congress party that has grown the worst corrupt outfit and national shame. .

 

The poisonously dangerous agenda of RSS-BJP that destabilizes secular democracy as the base principle of India should be dealt with as a priority issue. Of course people would deal with it but only in due course and meanwhile the judiciary should put an end to poisonous fanaticism and hate politics of Hindutva forces and save India from the anti-National forces pretending to be “patriotic”.

 

Today the pseudo patriotic and criminal elements of RSS-BJP targets Indians in India in the name of patriotism.

 

Indian judiciary needs to take note of this trend and end the national criminal fanaticism.

China: Xi Jinping scraps presidential term limits, becomes permanent president


China: Xi 
Jinping scraps presidential term limits, becomes permanent president

-Dr. Abdul Ruff Colachal

———

 

 

This essay gives an idea about China’s policies, its future plans and ideas; it also tries to compare the failed Soviet experiments with Chinese model of development.

 

It is not strange that every ruler is eager to rule forever even without any serious reforms being effected into the system to serve the people much better, but the constitutional restrictions deny them to be the permanent rulers. While some  pro-people rulers want to rule permanently to serve the nation and people   better, some other just want to rule for ever  just like that without thinking about the concerns of the people, still others want to rule permanently to  make more and more wealth for themselves, their close relatives, ministers, allies.

 

Dynastic rule in a way perform the permanent ruling character. Even in democracies sons and daughters are being pampered to take over from parents to the nation as their prerogative.

 

In a rather strange manner by which rulers of entire world would feel zealous, Xi Jinping has made himself legally the permanent president of China. For instance, the US president Trump and Israeli PM Netanyahu- both face wrath of people of their respective country for their arrogance and corruption, for the waste of money on terror wars and losing lives of soldiers, very much would like to rule their countries permanently without the need to face the voters in future.

 

Yes, not just Trump and Netanyahu but most of the rulers want to be permanent ones. Arab rulers, Indian PM Modi are not alone in dreaming to be the permanent rulers. While Arab rulers also can easily pass a law to that effect, PM Modi has to wait until the upper house of Parliament is full of his party members to make “reforms” in the constitution to make India one party ruled nation and himself the permanent ruler. Interestingly, India’s former PM Dr Manmohan Singh who promoted rampant corruption in India   by allowing every minister and official to loot the resources at will is also dreaming of becoming the permanent PM of India if his boss Ms. Sonia Gandhi manages to get a non-BJP coalition and win the elections next year.

 

  1. China elects its first ever permanent president

 

Recently, on March 11 the Chinese Communist Party (CPC) in a two-week summit in Beijing made the President Xi the permanent president to make the nation stronger. The move allows the 64-year-old Xi to remain in power for as long as he wishes, ruling as a virtual emperor, and is the latest feather in the cap of a Communist “princeling” who is re-making China in his own image. The almost 3,000 delegates to the country’s legislature passed the measure as part of a package of changes to the country’s constitution, with 2,958 voting for, two against and three abstaining.

 

China’s parliament voted to abolish presidential term limits, clearing the path for President Xi Jinping to rule for life. The National People’s Congress agreed to strike a 36-year-old constitutional provision barring the president from serving more than two consecutive terms and to enact sweeping legislative changes that would allow Xi to rule indefinitely and give him greater control over the levers of money and power. The amendment removes the only barrier keeping Xi, 64, from staying on after his expected second term ends in 2023.

 

Some analysts have speculated that President Xi Jinping will seek to stay on beyond 2023, when his second term is due to end, breaking a tradition followed by his two predecessors and emulating Russian President Vladimir Putin who would resume his third term shortly at the Kremlin. Russians want a strong President like Putin to be their leader permanently.

 

 

The congress accorded him a sort of ideological dominance by referring to his writings about communism by name in the party’s constitution—something denied to his two predecessors. Doing this would make Xi China’s ideological arbiter. His predecessors, Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin, were appointed mainly to continue Deng’s economic reforms.

 

The CPC decision includes repealing presidential term limits, creating a powerful new agency to police officials and possibly approving the biggest regulatory overhaul of the $43 trillion finance-and-insurance sector in 15 years. As Xi presided over the closing session in the Great Hall of the People, more than 2,200 delegates raised their hands in unison to approve the party charter amendments, with staffers announcing “meiyou” (“none”) to indicate the lack of dissenting or abstaining votes.

 

The term-limits repeal is part of a package of amendments to China’s constitution. They include inserting Xi’s name alongside Mao’s and Deng’s, and enshrining in law his principles for a more assertive foreign policy. Neither of Xi’s other two main titles — party leader and commander-in-chief of the military — come with term limits. The changes also allow for the creation of a powerful new law enforcement and ethics commission to police public servants, making permanent an anti-graft campaign that has punished more than 1.5 million officials.

 

The amendment generates a level of uncertainty. The term limit — while only applying to the lesser role of the state presidency — has also come to shape expectations for the timing of transitions in the leadership of the party and military.” Deng Xiaoping Theory was added to the constitution six months after his death in February 1997. China’s previous two presidents, Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin, haven’t had their names enshrined in the constitution in this way.

 

Xi Jinping has joined the pantheon of Chinese leadership two decades after bursting onto the scene as a graft-fighting governor who went on to earn comparisons with Mao Zedong in his quest for unrestricted power.

 

The NPC would definitely endorse appointment of Xi to a second term.

 

 Xi declared that China should “take center stage in the world,” and that its brand of socialism offers “a new choice for other countries.” He added that, “no one should expect China to swallow anything that undermines its interests.” Xi’s “new era” philosophy sought to establish China as a superpower that “plays a rule-setting role in global affairs.”

 

At the end of a pivotal twice-a-decade meeting, party delegates voted unanimously to make “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era” a guiding principle for the party.

 

  1. Importance of President Xi

 

 

 

 

Xi has a dream: the dream of a rejuvenated China, again dominating “everything under heaven”, might be popular. And if Xi can make the country respected abroad, that might translate into respect for the party at home. Hence his second concern—China in the world—reinforces his first.

 

Trump’s America-first nationalism has given  Xi a chance to claim global leadership. In January 2017 he told the World Economic Forum in the Swiss resort of Davos that China should “guide economic globalization”. A month later he added that it should “guide international society towards a more just and rational new world order.”

Vast sums back up the slogans.  Xi’s “Belt and Road Initiative”, his most ambitious foreign policy, involves spending hundreds of billions of dollars on infrastructure in 60-odd countries in Asia and Europe. If it works, it could make Eurasian trade, centered on China, a rival to transatlantic trade, focused on America.

Xi has been more assertive in pressing China’s claims in the South China Sea. Last year, a UN tribunal rejected those claims. China promptly persuaded the Philippines, which had brought the case, to disavow its legal victory in return for lavish investment. Xi’s reform of the PLA has made the armed forces more outward-looking. They used to be organised mainly for defence and control of the domestic population. Xi has built up the navy, created new “theatre commands” to project force abroad and has opened China’s first overseas military base in Djibouti.

And he has greatly expanded China’s influence-buying activities abroad. China has long supported instruments of soft power such as the Confucius Institutes, which teach foreigners about the Chinese language and culture. Now, the party is also putting money into media operations in the West and trying to use overseas Chinese people as agents of state policy. In short, Xi has disavowed Deng’s advice that, in foreign affairs, China should “keep a low profile and never claim leadership.”

It is impossible to say whether he has sprinkled the stardust of legitimacy upon his party, as he wants. An opinion poll in 2016 by the Pew Research Centre in America found that only 60% of Chinese thought their involvement in the global economy a good thing. On the other hand, this year’s cinematic smash hit is a “patriotic” film called “Wolf Warriors 2”, showing a Chinese soldier killing bad guys round the world. So perhaps bossing foreigners around might prove popular.

At any rate, if Xi’s efforts have had mixed results, that is not because they have failed. As with his party reforms, he can congratulate himself on a job well started. China’s vast bureaucracy has lumbered into action behind the belt and road project. China is buttressing its claims in the South China Sea with new facts on the ground or, rather, in the ocean, in the form of military construction on artificial islands. The country is now widely regarded as a leader in global climate talks.

Xi, in short, can look back with some satisfaction on the twin goals he set himself. But there remains a more profound question, whether they are the right aims for his country. During the next decade, a number of slow-burning problems will start to blaze. Water shortages, historically one of China’s most severe challenges, will become acute. More poisoned air will be pumped out and more poisoned soil uncovered. The first generation born under the one-child policy is reaching marriageable age, bringing with it the excess of boys over girls that was exacerbated by population control. The vast debts built up by China’s local governments and state-owned enterprises will also have to be handled.

What these disparate matters have in common is that many of the best solutions come from outside the party. Environmental groups could put public pressure on polluters. A freer press could shine a light on all sorts of abuses, from corruption to fraud. More competition among firms, as well as harder budget constraints, would reduce the excess debt of state-owned enterprises and local governments.

Perhaps the only serious setback to Xi’s claim to leadership has come in North-East Asia. His unwillingness to rein in Kim Jong Un’s pursuit of nuclear weapons is keeping America more involved in Asia than it might otherwise be, and increasing the chances that Japan and South Korea might one day deploy nuclear defences of their own. That would hardly be in anyone’s interest, especially China’s.

 

Xi is going in the opposite direction. He is limiting the press, closing down civil-society groups and squeezing the space for public discussion. To do him justice, he is not doing this because he is turning his back on China’s problems. But he is determined that only the party may be allowed to address them. And if it fails, then the problems will not be addressed.

 

While Xi’s new power might provide reassurance to investors who believe that bureaucratic resistance has slowed his reform agenda, risks could mount over time. Centralized control by one man could become a problem should his health fail or subordinates hesitate to question bad decisions from the top.

 

 

In the long run, the change may bring some uncertainties, like ‘key man’ risk. Dissenting is becoming riskier. The room for debate is becoming narrower. The risk of a policy mistake could become higher and correcting a flawed policy could take longer.

.

Globally, it’s about making sure China becomes a superpower that gets to make the rules.  Xi Jinping now has an institutional guarantee of support. He can be emperor for life — staying in power as long as his health allows.

 

Xi looks set to emerge from the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China stronger than ever, both domestically and on the international stage.

 

President Xi is a trailblazer; he opens up a new model for China’s development.” Other people said they didn’t know what it meant Xi had managed to “totally repudiate” a tradition of collective leadership instituted by Deng: “It’s a return to one-man rule. It’s a backward step.”

 

When asked what he thought of Xi Jinping

 

However, it looks like that Wang Qishan, Xi’s anti-corruption czar, will be retiring despite some speculation that Xi would bend the rules and allow him to stay on in the PBSC — despite being older than the customary retirement age of 68. His name wasn’t on a list of Central Committee members from which the politburo and its standing committee are named. Retaining Wang would have set a precedent for any future power play by Xi, 64, to stay in the top job beyond 2022.

President Xi Jinping is the first Chinese leader to have been born after 1949, when Mao’s Communist forces took over following a protracted civil war. The purging of his father led to years of difficulties for the family, but he nevertheless rose through its ranks. Beginning as a county-level party secretary in 1969, Xi climbed to the governorship of coastal Fujian province in 1999, then party chief of Zhejiang province in 2002 and eventually Shanghai in 2007. That same year, he was appointed to the Politburo Standing Committee.

 

Following Mao’s disastrous economic campaigns and the bloody 1966-76 Cultural Revolution, the Communist leadership sought to prevent further chaos by tempering presidential power through a system in which major personnel and policy decisions were hashed out by the ruling Politburo Standing Committee. The move helped prevent political power from becoming too concentrated in the hands of a single leader but was also blamed for policy indecision that led to growing ills such as worsening pollution, corruption and social unrest.

 

A devoted communist seeking to refine the system, President Xi sees himself as China’s third transformational president, alongside Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. Mao held the country together and established the communist state. Deng set China on the road to riches and saved the party from the lure of democracy. Xi’s aim is to give China back its rightful place at the centre of its world and to save the party again, this time from itself.

 

 

Big Uncle Xi, as he has been dubbed by Communist propaganda, has broken sharply with that tradition since taking over as president in 2013 and now looms over the country in a deepening cult of personality. He has used crackdowns on corruption to extent his hold over the party and calls for a revitalized party to become the most powerful Chinese leader in decades. Fighting graft and upholding party leadership were already central to him in 2000.

 

Xi vowed to root out corruption following a $10 billion smuggling scandal, but ruled out political reform to confront the problem, saying he would work within the one-party structure and system of political consultation and “supervision by the masses”. As Xi presided over the closing session in the Great Hall of the People, more than 2,200 delegates raised their hands in unison to approve the party charter amendments, with staffers announcing “meiyou” (“none”) to indicate the lack of dissenting or abstaining votes.

 

 

Xi Jinping is now 64 and has got at least 20 years left in him that would take him almost to the centenary of the establishment of the People’s Republic in 2049.

 

Xi, who was given a second term as the party’s general secretary at the five-yearly party congress in October, has amassed seemingly unchecked power and a level of officially stoked adulation unseen since Communist China’s founder Mao.

 

The people’s government, according to Xi,  must never forget the word the ‘people’ and we must do everything we can to serve the people, but to get all the government officials to do this is not easy.

 

At home, Xi has taken down senior leaders in his anti-corruption drive, launched an unprecedented crackdown on free speech, and radically overhauled the two-million strong People’s Liberation Army, the world’s largest fighting force. Domestically, the move to enshrine Xi’s name in the party charter would signify greater party control over all aspects of life in China.

 

 

Critics say that Xi Jinping has been good for China’s Communist Party; less so for China. Contradicting Deng Xiaoping, Xi has concentrated vast power in his own hands.  His personal powers reflect his exalted sense of mission. He is president; head of the party and in July was referred to by state media as “supreme commander”, a title last conferred on Deng. He bestrides the bureaucracy like a colossus, having swept away and replaced almost all the party leaders and local governors in China’s 31 provinces, as well as much of the top brass of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). More members of the China’s “supreme ruler” was seeking to change China’s constitution rather than simply ignoring it, so as to avoid looking like “some sort of Banana Republic”. But the effect was the same: “He’s signaling: ‘I’m going to stay on forever.

 

Xi was later to complain that “among party members…even senior cadres, there are those whose conviction isn’t strong enough and who are not loyal to the party.” Members were corrupt. They no longer believe in communism. Some even talked about moving to a more democratic system of government. To Xi, this was a road to ruin. “If morale is low, organisation loose, discipline and ethics unchecked,” he wrote, “then in the end we will not only fail but…the tragedy of the Emperor Chu who was murdered in 202BC might occur again.”

While calling for China’s “great rejuvenation” as a world power, Xi has cultivated a personal image as a man of the people who dresses modestly and buys his own steamed buns at an ordinary shop.

Following a divorce from his first wife, Xi married the celebrity soprano Peng Liyuan in 1987, at a time when she was much more famous than him. The couple’s daughter, Xi Mingze, studied at Harvard but stays out of the public eye.

Above all, Xi has shifted the balance of power between party and government. Prime ministers used to be in charge of the economy but the main institution for economic policymaking now seems to be the leading small group on deepening reform, which Xi chairs. Wang Qishan, the head of the CCDI, said earlier this year that “there is no such thing as the separation between the party and the government.” Compare that with a speech made by Deng in 1980: “It is time for us to distinguish between the responsibilities of the party and those of the government,” the former leader said, “and to stop substituting the former for the latter.” In his attempt to bolster the party’s fortunes, Xi has turned the clock back almost 40 years.

 

Anti-corruption actions Xi Jinping took very seriously, more aggressively than Soviet leader Gorbachev did but took care not to harm the party in any manner as Gorbachev faced.  Xi has taken down senior leaders in his anti-corruption drive, launched an unprecedented crackdown on free speech, and radically overhauled the two-million strong People’s Liberation Army, the world’s largest fighting force.

 

Xi’s personal authority has been enhanced, so far without serious public opposition. This is one of the dangers of his programme. So much depends on him personally that there is a risk everything will collapse when he goes. Or that he will be tempted to stay on and on. As one liberal commentator says, Xi has offended too many people to walk away quietly. For good or ill, he has begun to make the party a more effective instrument of control.

 

 

  1. As permanent president of China, what does Xi Jinping aim at? 

 

Pathetic end of Soviet Union and its isolation alerted China to be on its guard. Clearly, Xi was appointed to save the party. Although China experiences tens of thousands of anti-government demonstrations each year, these are local affrays which are mostly reactions to greedy local governments. The party faces no national threat and seems to have bounced back from the traumatic events around Tiananmen Square in 1989.  Yet that is not how Xi saw matters in 2012. To him, and to the elite who chose him as China’s leader, the party faced an existential threat.

China’s strong or authoritarian leader Xi took power in 2012 and had been expected to rule until 2023. However, last week it emerged that Xi would attempt to use an annual meeting of China’s parliament, which kicks off, to abolish presidential term limits by changing the Chinese constitution.

 

Xi repeatedly referred to “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era,” during a three-and-a-half-hour opening speech to the National Party Congress last week. And the resolution passed Tuesday echoed many of the same themes. The address detailed his sweeping vision for the country, charting its future in a world where China’s reach is now extending — and being felt — further than ever before.

 

 

Chinese leaders attribute the Soviet implosion to a failure of self-confidence by Russian communists and are determined that nothing like that should ever occur in China. It is not ancient history that frightens Xi, however. It is the disintegration of the Soviet Union. For him, everything begins and ends with the party (“east, west, north or south, the party leads everything,” he wrote. If it collapses, so will the country.

Xi has spoken of the Russians “not being man enough” to stand up for their party. From the start, he set out to be man enough.  He is well prepared to shore up the party’s beliefs.

Discipline requires self-control. Xi has instituted what he calls “democratic life meetings” for members to reflect on their behavior and learn to set an example. It means attending ideology classes. Party leaders have always run ideological campaigns but Xi has been unusually enthusiastic about them. In 2016 he even started an online campaign encouraging members to write out the party constitution by hand, like naughty schoolchildren. Xi is putting the communist back into communist China.

 

The best known of his campaigns is aimed at corruption. Since 2012 the main anti-graft body, the Central Commission on Discipline Inspection (CCDI), has begun disciplinary actions against 1.4m party members. But it is only part of a broader effort to instill discipline. At a meeting just before the congress, the Politburo reported that “for the party, strict self-governance in every sense will never end.”

Discipline requires loyalty. As an article in Qiushi, the party’s main theoretical journal put it earlier this year: “there is no 99.9% loyalty. It is 100% pure and absolute loyalty and nothing less.” Institutions that fail to reach the required levels of groveling feel the consequences.  Xi has emasculated the Communist Youth League, once an influential group and the road to power for his prime minister, Li Keqiang, and his predecessor as China’s leader, Hu. Calling it out of touch, bureaucratic and arrogant, he demoted its chief, jailed one of the top officials and dismantled the league’s school.

The party has to be knocked into shape, in  Xi’s view, because he wants to double down on its control. Party members in companies—including joint ventures with foreigners—have started to claim the right to approve investment decisions. Academics, once permitted a limited freedom of inquiry, now find it impossible to conduct research into sensitive subjects, such as the Cultural Revolution. State-owned newspapers have been told bluntly that their job is to serve the party. It always was, of course, but previous governments had also encouraged them to report unwelcome facts.  Xi has also cracked down on anything that might remotely challenge the party’s monopoly of power, arresting human-rights lawyers by the score and passing a new law to make life harder for charities.

 

  1. Predicting the future of China

 

Xi’s face now graces the front page of every paper in the country, while his exploits and directives headline each night’s evening news.

 

 

Dictators are always arrogant. Dictatorship is a disaster for political civilization and detrimental to genuine human development and survival.

 

Communism is linked with totalitarianism and dictatorship. But the dictatorship of poor and common people is positive trend. President Xi is not entirely a dictator like say Trump or Netanyahu.

.

This is the first time that a top power like China has named its ruler the permanent one with immediate effect.

 

China has elevated the stature of President Xi Jinping and cemented his grip on power by including his name and political ideology in the Communist Party constitution. The move puts Xi on par with Chairman Mao Zedong who founded the People’s Republic of China in 1949 and paramount leader Deng Xiaoping, who oversaw China’s opening up to the world.

 

The Chinese leadership defended the move, with Xi telling a group of delegates from the southern province of Guangdong that the constitutional amendments reflected “the common will of the party and people.” Repealing presidential term limits was “an important measure for perfecting the system of the party and the state,” the party’s People Daily newspaper said in a commentary published, citing the lesson of the Soviet Union’s collapse.

 

 

China has not only elevated the stature of President Xi Jinping and but also cemented his grip on power by including his name and political ideology in the Communist Party constitution.

 

China’s previous two presidents, Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin, haven’t had their names enshrined in the constitution in this way. Xi Jinping now has an institutional guarantee of support. He can be emperor for life — staying in power as long as his health allows. Xi looks set to emerge from the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China stronger than ever, both domestically and on the international stage.

 

Chinese parliament vote allowed President Xi Jinping to retain power indefinitely in a formal break from succession rules set up after Mao Zedong’s turbulent rule. The vote — never in doubt — gives Xi more time to enact plans to centralize party control, increase global clout and curb financial and environmental risks. It also ties the world’s most populous country more closely to the fate of a single man than at any point since reformer Deng Xiaoping began establishing a system for peaceful power transitions in the aftermath of Mao’s death.

 

Every leader since Mao has wrestled with questions about the Communist Party’s legitimacy, and Xi is no exception. For years, economic growth provided the party’s “mandate of heaven”. But growth is slowing, inequality is rising, and middle-class concerns about housing, education and health care cannot be allayed by ladling on an extra point of GDP.

In 1980 Deng Xiaoping gave a speech to the Politburo in which he called for a clearer separation between party and state, gave warning against concentrating too much authority in one person. Xi is rejecting all of Deng’s good advice. He himself might benefit. But China might not.

Xi has presided over a tough crackdown on civil society and freedom of speech that belies the chummy image – and he tolerates no ridicule or slander of his person. There are clear signs that Xi Jinping was planning to cement his grip on China.

 

The Communist Party’s power-broking congress in October confirmed Xi’s induction into the leadership pantheon alongside Mao and market reformer Deng Xiaoping by writing his name and political ideology into the party’s constitution.

Still, the proposal to repeal term limits prompted unusually open expressions of dissent. The move made China vulnerable to repeating the power struggles of past eras. It planted the seeds for China to once again fall into turmoil.

 

President Xi Jinping is moving ahead with his career plan in a systematic manner. In his first five years, he has seized control of economic policy, reasserted the Communist Party’s authority and sidelined potential rivals in an unprecedented anti-corruption campaign. Now, he’s set to make the Xi era permanent.

 

As the undisputed ruler of one-fifth of humanity, Xi is arguably the world’s most powerful leader. US President Donald Trump is battling investigations, Germany’s Angela Merkel is nursing a fragile coalition and Russia’s Vladimir Putin is struggling under sanctions. Xi, meanwhile, laid out a 30-year plan in October for a “New Era” that completes China’s restoration among the world’s great powers. The others are managing countries for a while — he’s trying to build a new one.  He’s got vastly more freedom of action than Trump and Merkel, a vastly stronger economy than Putin, but also probably a more daunting job than any of them — higher expectations.

 

The changes are so sweeping they might be seen as a turning point, with Xi officially remaking the party-state with himself at the center.  The changes leave Xi with sole responsibility for China’s $12 trillion economy, mounting debt pile, more aspirational middle class and growing overseas interests. He’s attempting to become a developed economy without loosening political control, staking the party’s legitimacy on its ability to make China rich and strong.

 

China has cracked down on online criticism of Xi’s power play, even as shares of companies with “king” or “emperor” in their names surged after the amendment was unveiled. Still, the proposal to repeal term limits prompted unusually open expressions of dissent. Li Datong, a former senior editor at the official China Youth Daily newspaper, said made China vulnerable to repeating power struggles of the past.

 

Disappointed that China is not going the Soviet way of disintegration, USA is deeply worried that it is unable to control the presidential poll in Russia and stop Xi from becoming the permanent president of China. Before the vote in Beijing, Donald Trump, maybe disappointed that his country does not have provisions to let him be the permanent US president, had joked that Xi was “now president for life”.

 

The US global dictator Donald Trump has celebrated Xi Jinping’s bid to shepherd China back into an era of one-man dictatorship in China, suggesting the USA might one day “give that a shot”. In fact, Trump praises Xi Jinping’s power grab and admires Xi’s power play.

 

The so-called “Liberals” have condemned the ‘power grab’ in Beijing, which will almost certainly be approved by members of the National People’s Congress. The topic of Xi’s power grab is so politically sensitive within China that nearly all of the academics approached by the Guardian for comment in the lead-up to congress declined to talk.

 

Some experts have criticized the move as the amendment paves the way for Xi to be China’s ruler-for-life. “This is a critical moment in China’s history,” Cheng Li, said a prominent expert in elite Chinese politics who has criticised the move.   Western experts say they are convinced Xi’s plan is to rule for many years to come.

 

Apparently, President Xi has no plan to uproot the Socialist system as Russians have done hurriedly or disband the communist agenda of the regime.

 

Globally, the world now would likely to see China continue to step into a global leadership vacuum as the USA turns inward and far away under President Donald Trump. An expert says domestically it’s about tightening Communist Party control over all aspects of Chinese life in the internet age.

 

While Russia dismantled Socialism and communism and opted to join the US led capitalist nations, China retained its socialist character and adopted gradual transformation to capitalism by adopting convergence method by which both capitalism and capitalism coexist No one can say China is a communist nation or a capitalist outfit.

 

In fact, convergence has percolated conveniently into Chinese system and society a long time ago. Socialism with Chinese Characteristics has long been used to describe how Marxism has been adapted for China. The term was closely associated with Deng Xiaoping as a way to promote economic development.

 

China: Xi Jinping scraps presidential term limits, becomes permanent president


China: Xi 
Jinping scraps presidential term limits, becomes permanent president

-Dr. Abdul Ruff Colachal

———

 

 

This essay gives an idea about China’s policies, its future plans and ideas; it also tries to compare the failed Soviet experiments with Chinese model of development.

 

It is not strange that every ruler is eager to rule forever even without any serious reforms being effected into the system to serve the people much better, but the constitutional restrictions deny them to be the permanent rulers. While some  pro-people rulers want to rule permanently to serve the nation and people   better, some other just want to rule for ever  just like that without thinking about the concerns of the people, still others want to rule permanently to  make more and more wealth for themselves, their close relatives, ministers, allies.

 

Dynastic rule in a way perform the permanent ruling character. Even in democracies sons and daughters are being pampered to take over from parents to the nation as their prerogative.

 

In a rather strange manner by which rulers of entire world would feel zealous, Xi Jinping has made himself legally the permanent president of China. For instance, the US president Trump and Israeli PM Netanyahu- both face wrath of people of their respective country for their arrogance and corruption, for the waste of money on terror wars and losing lives of soldiers, very much would like to rule their countries permanently without the need to face the voters in future.

 

Yes, not just Trump and Netanyahu but most of the rulers want to be permanent ones. Arab rulers, Indian PM Modi are not alone in dreaming to be the permanent rulers. While Arab rulers also can easily pass a law to that effect, PM Modi has to wait until the upper house of Parliament is full of his party members to make “reforms” in the constitution to make India one party ruled nation and himself the permanent ruler. Interestingly, India’s former PM Dr Manmohan Singh who promoted rampant corruption in India   by allowing every minister and official to loot the resources at will is also dreaming of becoming the permanent PM of India if his boss Ms. Sonia Gandhi manages to get a non-BJP coalition and win the elections next year.

 

  1. China elects its first ever permanent president

 

Recently, on March 11 the Chinese Communist Party (CPC) in a two-week summit in Beijing made the President Xi the permanent president to make the nation stronger. The move allows the 64-year-old Xi to remain in power for as long as he wishes, ruling as a virtual emperor, and is the latest feather in the cap of a Communist “princeling” who is re-making China in his own image. The almost 3,000 delegates to the country’s legislature passed the measure as part of a package of changes to the country’s constitution, with 2,958 voting for, two against and three abstaining.

 

China’s parliament voted to abolish presidential term limits, clearing the path for President Xi Jinping to rule for life. The National People’s Congress agreed to strike a 36-year-old constitutional provision barring the president from serving more than two consecutive terms and to enact sweeping legislative changes that would allow Xi to rule indefinitely and give him greater control over the levers of money and power. The amendment removes the only barrier keeping Xi, 64, from staying on after his expected second term ends in 2023.

 

Some analysts have speculated that President Xi Jinping will seek to stay on beyond 2023, when his second term is due to end, breaking a tradition followed by his two predecessors and emulating Russian President Vladimir Putin who would resume his third term shortly at the Kremlin. Russians want a strong President like Putin to be their leader permanently.

 

 

The congress accorded him a sort of ideological dominance by referring to his writings about communism by name in the party’s constitution—something denied to his two predecessors. Doing this would make Xi China’s ideological arbiter. His predecessors, Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin, were appointed mainly to continue Deng’s economic reforms.

 

The CPC decision includes repealing presidential term limits, creating a powerful new agency to police officials and possibly approving the biggest regulatory overhaul of the $43 trillion finance-and-insurance sector in 15 years. As Xi presided over the closing session in the Great Hall of the People, more than 2,200 delegates raised their hands in unison to approve the party charter amendments, with staffers announcing “meiyou” (“none”) to indicate the lack of dissenting or abstaining votes.

 

The term-limits repeal is part of a package of amendments to China’s constitution. They include inserting Xi’s name alongside Mao’s and Deng’s, and enshrining in law his principles for a more assertive foreign policy. Neither of Xi’s other two main titles — party leader and commander-in-chief of the military — come with term limits. The changes also allow for the creation of a powerful new law enforcement and ethics commission to police public servants, making permanent an anti-graft campaign that has punished more than 1.5 million officials.

 

The amendment generates a level of uncertainty. The term limit — while only applying to the lesser role of the state presidency — has also come to shape expectations for the timing of transitions in the leadership of the party and military.” Deng Xiaoping Theory was added to the constitution six months after his death in February 1997. China’s previous two presidents, Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin, haven’t had their names enshrined in the constitution in this way.

 

Xi Jinping has joined the pantheon of Chinese leadership two decades after bursting onto the scene as a graft-fighting governor who went on to earn comparisons with Mao Zedong in his quest for unrestricted power.

 

The NPC would definitely endorse appointment of Xi to a second term.

 

 Xi declared that China should “take center stage in the world,” and that its brand of socialism offers “a new choice for other countries.” He added that, “no one should expect China to swallow anything that undermines its interests.” Xi’s “new era” philosophy sought to establish China as a superpower that “plays a rule-setting role in global affairs.”

 

At the end of a pivotal twice-a-decade meeting, party delegates voted unanimously to make “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era” a guiding principle for the party.

 

  1. Importance of President Xi

 

 

 

 

Xi has a dream: the dream of a rejuvenated China, again dominating “everything under heaven”, might be popular. And if Xi can make the country respected abroad, that might translate into respect for the party at home. Hence his second concern—China in the world—reinforces his first.

 

Trump’s America-first nationalism has given  Xi a chance to claim global leadership. In January 2017 he told the World Economic Forum in the Swiss resort of Davos that China should “guide economic globalization”. A month later he added that it should “guide international society towards a more just and rational new world order.”

Vast sums back up the slogans.  Xi’s “Belt and Road Initiative”, his most ambitious foreign policy, involves spending hundreds of billions of dollars on infrastructure in 60-odd countries in Asia and Europe. If it works, it could make Eurasian trade, centered on China, a rival to transatlantic trade, focused on America.

Xi has been more assertive in pressing China’s claims in the South China Sea. Last year, a UN tribunal rejected those claims. China promptly persuaded the Philippines, which had brought the case, to disavow its legal victory in return for lavish investment. Xi’s reform of the PLA has made the armed forces more outward-looking. They used to be organised mainly for defence and control of the domestic population. Xi has built up the navy, created new “theatre commands” to project force abroad and has opened China’s first overseas military base in Djibouti.

And he has greatly expanded China’s influence-buying activities abroad. China has long supported instruments of soft power such as the Confucius Institutes, which teach foreigners about the Chinese language and culture. Now, the party is also putting money into media operations in the West and trying to use overseas Chinese people as agents of state policy. In short, Xi has disavowed Deng’s advice that, in foreign affairs, China should “keep a low profile and never claim leadership.”

It is impossible to say whether he has sprinkled the stardust of legitimacy upon his party, as he wants. An opinion poll in 2016 by the Pew Research Centre in America found that only 60% of Chinese thought their involvement in the global economy a good thing. On the other hand, this year’s cinematic smash hit is a “patriotic” film called “Wolf Warriors 2”, showing a Chinese soldier killing bad guys round the world. So perhaps bossing foreigners around might prove popular.

At any rate, if Xi’s efforts have had mixed results, that is not because they have failed. As with his party reforms, he can congratulate himself on a job well started. China’s vast bureaucracy has lumbered into action behind the belt and road project. China is buttressing its claims in the South China Sea with new facts on the ground or, rather, in the ocean, in the form of military construction on artificial islands. The country is now widely regarded as a leader in global climate talks.

Xi, in short, can look back with some satisfaction on the twin goals he set himself. But there remains a more profound question, whether they are the right aims for his country. During the next decade, a number of slow-burning problems will start to blaze. Water shortages, historically one of China’s most severe challenges, will become acute. More poisoned air will be pumped out and more poisoned soil uncovered. The first generation born under the one-child policy is reaching marriageable age, bringing with it the excess of boys over girls that was exacerbated by population control. The vast debts built up by China’s local governments and state-owned enterprises will also have to be handled.

What these disparate matters have in common is that many of the best solutions come from outside the party. Environmental groups could put public pressure on polluters. A freer press could shine a light on all sorts of abuses, from corruption to fraud. More competition among firms, as well as harder budget constraints, would reduce the excess debt of state-owned enterprises and local governments.

Perhaps the only serious setback to Xi’s claim to leadership has come in North-East Asia. His unwillingness to rein in Kim Jong Un’s pursuit of nuclear weapons is keeping America more involved in Asia than it might otherwise be, and increasing the chances that Japan and South Korea might one day deploy nuclear defences of their own. That would hardly be in anyone’s interest, especially China’s.

 

Xi is going in the opposite direction. He is limiting the press, closing down civil-society groups and squeezing the space for public discussion. To do him justice, he is not doing this because he is turning his back on China’s problems. But he is determined that only the party may be allowed to address them. And if it fails, then the problems will not be addressed.

 

While Xi’s new power might provide reassurance to investors who believe that bureaucratic resistance has slowed his reform agenda, risks could mount over time. Centralized control by one man could become a problem should his health fail or subordinates hesitate to question bad decisions from the top.

 

 

In the long run, the change may bring some uncertainties, like ‘key man’ risk. Dissenting is becoming riskier. The room for debate is becoming narrower. The risk of a policy mistake could become higher and correcting a flawed policy could take longer.

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Globally, it’s about making sure China becomes a superpower that gets to make the rules.  Xi Jinping now has an institutional guarantee of support. He can be emperor for life — staying in power as long as his health allows.

 

Xi looks set to emerge from the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China stronger than ever, both domestically and on the international stage.

 

President Xi is a trailblazer; he opens up a new model for China’s development.” Other people said they didn’t know what it meant Xi had managed to “totally repudiate” a tradition of collective leadership instituted by Deng: “It’s a return to one-man rule. It’s a backward step.”

 

When asked what he thought of Xi Jinping

 

However, it looks like that Wang Qishan, Xi’s anti-corruption czar, will be retiring despite some speculation that Xi would bend the rules and allow him to stay on in the PBSC — despite being older than the customary retirement age of 68. His name wasn’t on a list of Central Committee members from which the politburo and its standing committee are named. Retaining Wang would have set a precedent for any future power play by Xi, 64, to stay in the top job beyond 2022.

President Xi Jinping is the first Chinese leader to have been born after 1949, when Mao’s Communist forces took over following a protracted civil war. The purging of his father led to years of difficulties for the family, but he nevertheless rose through its ranks. Beginning as a county-level party secretary in 1969, Xi climbed to the governorship of coastal Fujian province in 1999, then party chief of Zhejiang province in 2002 and eventually Shanghai in 2007. That same year, he was appointed to the Politburo Standing Committee.

 

Following Mao’s disastrous economic campaigns and the bloody 1966-76 Cultural Revolution, the Communist leadership sought to prevent further chaos by tempering presidential power through a system in which major personnel and policy decisions were hashed out by the ruling Politburo Standing Committee. The move helped prevent political power from becoming too concentrated in the hands of a single leader but was also blamed for policy indecision that led to growing ills such as worsening pollution, corruption and social unrest.

 

A devoted communist seeking to refine the system, President Xi sees himself as China’s third transformational president, alongside Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. Mao held the country together and established the communist state. Deng set China on the road to riches and saved the party from the lure of democracy. Xi’s aim is to give China back its rightful place at the centre of its world and to save the party again, this time from itself.

 

 

Big Uncle Xi, as he has been dubbed by Communist propaganda, has broken sharply with that tradition since taking over as president in 2013 and now looms over the country in a deepening cult of personality. He has used crackdowns on corruption to extent his hold over the party and calls for a revitalized party to become the most powerful Chinese leader in decades. Fighting graft and upholding party leadership were already central to him in 2000.

 

Xi vowed to root out corruption following a $10 billion smuggling scandal, but ruled out political reform to confront the problem, saying he would work within the one-party structure and system of political consultation and “supervision by the masses”. As Xi presided over the closing session in the Great Hall of the People, more than 2,200 delegates raised their hands in unison to approve the party charter amendments, with staffers announcing “meiyou” (“none”) to indicate the lack of dissenting or abstaining votes.

 

 

Xi Jinping is now 64 and has got at least 20 years left in him that would take him almost to the centenary of the establishment of the People’s Republic in 2049.

 

Xi, who was given a second term as the party’s general secretary at the five-yearly party congress in October, has amassed seemingly unchecked power and a level of officially stoked adulation unseen since Communist China’s founder Mao.

 

The people’s government, according to Xi,  must never forget the word the ‘people’ and we must do everything we can to serve the people, but to get all the government officials to do this is not easy.

 

At home, Xi has taken down senior leaders in his anti-corruption drive, launched an unprecedented crackdown on free speech, and radically overhauled the two-million strong People’s Liberation Army, the world’s largest fighting force. Domestically, the move to enshrine Xi’s name in the party charter would signify greater party control over all aspects of life in China.

 

 

Critics say that Xi Jinping has been good for China’s Communist Party; less so for China. Contradicting Deng Xiaoping, Xi has concentrated vast power in his own hands.  His personal powers reflect his exalted sense of mission. He is president; head of the party and in July was referred to by state media as “supreme commander”, a title last conferred on Deng. He bestrides the bureaucracy like a colossus, having swept away and replaced almost all the party leaders and local governors in China’s 31 provinces, as well as much of the top brass of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). More members of the China’s “supreme ruler” was seeking to change China’s constitution rather than simply ignoring it, so as to avoid looking like “some sort of Banana Republic”. But the effect was the same: “He’s signaling: ‘I’m going to stay on forever.

 

Xi was later to complain that “among party members…even senior cadres, there are those whose conviction isn’t strong enough and who are not loyal to the party.” Members were corrupt. They no longer believe in communism. Some even talked about moving to a more democratic system of government. To Xi, this was a road to ruin. “If morale is low, organisation loose, discipline and ethics unchecked,” he wrote, “then in the end we will not only fail but…the tragedy of the Emperor Chu who was murdered in 202BC might occur again.”

While calling for China’s “great rejuvenation” as a world power, Xi has cultivated a personal image as a man of the people who dresses modestly and buys his own steamed buns at an ordinary shop.

Following a divorce from his first wife, Xi married the celebrity soprano Peng Liyuan in 1987, at a time when she was much more famous than him. The couple’s daughter, Xi Mingze, studied at Harvard but stays out of the public eye.

Above all, Xi has shifted the balance of power between party and government. Prime ministers used to be in charge of the economy but the main institution for economic policymaking now seems to be the leading small group on deepening reform, which Xi chairs. Wang Qishan, the head of the CCDI, said earlier this year that “there is no such thing as the separation between the party and the government.” Compare that with a speech made by Deng in 1980: “It is time for us to distinguish between the responsibilities of the party and those of the government,” the former leader said, “and to stop substituting the former for the latter.” In his attempt to bolster the party’s fortunes, Xi has turned the clock back almost 40 years.

 

Anti-corruption actions Xi Jinping took very seriously, more aggressively than Soviet leader Gorbachev did but took care not to harm the party in any manner as Gorbachev faced.  Xi has taken down senior leaders in his anti-corruption drive, launched an unprecedented crackdown on free speech, and radically overhauled the two-million strong People’s Liberation Army, the world’s largest fighting force.

 

Xi’s personal authority has been enhanced, so far without serious public opposition. This is one of the dangers of his programme. So much depends on him personally that there is a risk everything will collapse when he goes. Or that he will be tempted to stay on and on. As one liberal commentator says, Xi has offended too many people to walk away quietly. For good or ill, he has begun to make the party a more effective instrument of control.

 

 

  1. As permanent president of China, what does Xi Jinping aim at? 

 

Pathetic end of Soviet Union and its isolation alerted China to be on its guard. Clearly, Xi was appointed to save the party. Although China experiences tens of thousands of anti-government demonstrations each year, these are local affrays which are mostly reactions to greedy local governments. The party faces no national threat and seems to have bounced back from the traumatic events around Tiananmen Square in 1989.  Yet that is not how Xi saw matters in 2012. To him, and to the elite who chose him as China’s leader, the party faced an existential threat.

China’s strong or authoritarian leader Xi took power in 2012 and had been expected to rule until 2023. However, last week it emerged that Xi would attempt to use an annual meeting of China’s parliament, which kicks off, to abolish presidential term limits by changing the Chinese constitution.

 

Xi repeatedly referred to “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era,” during a three-and-a-half-hour opening speech to the National Party Congress last week. And the resolution passed Tuesday echoed many of the same themes. The address detailed his sweeping vision for the country, charting its future in a world where China’s reach is now extending — and being felt — further than ever before.

 

 

Chinese leaders attribute the Soviet implosion to a failure of self-confidence by Russian communists and are determined that nothing like that should ever occur in China. It is not ancient history that frightens Xi, however. It is the disintegration of the Soviet Union. For him, everything begins and ends with the party (“east, west, north or south, the party leads everything,” he wrote. If it collapses, so will the country.

Xi has spoken of the Russians “not being man enough” to stand up for their party. From the start, he set out to be man enough.  He is well prepared to shore up the party’s beliefs.

Discipline requires self-control. Xi has instituted what he calls “democratic life meetings” for members to reflect on their behavior and learn to set an example. It means attending ideology classes. Party leaders have always run ideological campaigns but Xi has been unusually enthusiastic about them. In 2016 he even started an online campaign encouraging members to write out the party constitution by hand, like naughty schoolchildren. Xi is putting the communist back into communist China.

 

The best known of his campaigns is aimed at corruption. Since 2012 the main anti-graft body, the Central Commission on Discipline Inspection (CCDI), has begun disciplinary actions against 1.4m party members. But it is only part of a broader effort to instill discipline. At a meeting just before the congress, the Politburo reported that “for the party, strict self-governance in every sense will never end.”

Discipline requires loyalty. As an article in Qiushi, the party’s main theoretical journal put it earlier this year: “there is no 99.9% loyalty. It is 100% pure and absolute loyalty and nothing less.” Institutions that fail to reach the required levels of groveling feel the consequences.  Xi has emasculated the Communist Youth League, once an influential group and the road to power for his prime minister, Li Keqiang, and his predecessor as China’s leader, Hu. Calling it out of touch, bureaucratic and arrogant, he demoted its chief, jailed one of the top officials and dismantled the league’s school.

The party has to be knocked into shape, in  Xi’s view, because he wants to double down on its control. Party members in companies—including joint ventures with foreigners—have started to claim the right to approve investment decisions. Academics, once permitted a limited freedom of inquiry, now find it impossible to conduct research into sensitive subjects, such as the Cultural Revolution. State-owned newspapers have been told bluntly that their job is to serve the party. It always was, of course, but previous governments had also encouraged them to report unwelcome facts.  Xi has also cracked down on anything that might remotely challenge the party’s monopoly of power, arresting human-rights lawyers by the score and passing a new law to make life harder for charities.

 

  1. Predicting the future of China

 

Xi’s face now graces the front page of every paper in the country, while his exploits and directives headline each night’s evening news.

 

 

Dictators are always arrogant. Dictatorship is a disaster for political civilization and detrimental to genuine human development and survival.

 

Communism is linked with totalitarianism and dictatorship. But the dictatorship of poor and common people is positive trend. President Xi is not entirely a dictator like say Trump or Netanyahu.

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This is the first time that a top power like China has named its ruler the permanent one with immediate effect.

 

China has elevated the stature of President Xi Jinping and cemented his grip on power by including his name and political ideology in the Communist Party constitution. The move puts Xi on par with Chairman Mao Zedong who founded the People’s Republic of China in 1949 and paramount leader Deng Xiaoping, who oversaw China’s opening up to the world.

 

The Chinese leadership defended the move, with Xi telling a group of delegates from the southern province of Guangdong that the constitutional amendments reflected “the common will of the party and people.” Repealing presidential term limits was “an important measure for perfecting the system of the party and the state,” the party’s People Daily newspaper said in a commentary published, citing the lesson of the Soviet Union’s collapse.

 

 

China has not only elevated the stature of President Xi Jinping and but also cemented his grip on power by including his name and political ideology in the Communist Party constitution.

 

China’s previous two presidents, Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin, haven’t had their names enshrined in the constitution in this way. Xi Jinping now has an institutional guarantee of support. He can be emperor for life — staying in power as long as his health allows. Xi looks set to emerge from the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China stronger than ever, both domestically and on the international stage.

 

Chinese parliament vote allowed President Xi Jinping to retain power indefinitely in a formal break from succession rules set up after Mao Zedong’s turbulent rule. The vote — never in doubt — gives Xi more time to enact plans to centralize party control, increase global clout and curb financial and environmental risks. It also ties the world’s most populous country more closely to the fate of a single man than at any point since reformer Deng Xiaoping began establishing a system for peaceful power transitions in the aftermath of Mao’s death.

 

Every leader since Mao has wrestled with questions about the Communist Party’s legitimacy, and Xi is no exception. For years, economic growth provided the party’s “mandate of heaven”. But growth is slowing, inequality is rising, and middle-class concerns about housing, education and health care cannot be allayed by ladling on an extra point of GDP.

In 1980 Deng Xiaoping gave a speech to the Politburo in which he called for a clearer separation between party and state, gave warning against concentrating too much authority in one person. Xi is rejecting all of Deng’s good advice. He himself might benefit. But China might not.

Xi has presided over a tough crackdown on civil society and freedom of speech that belies the chummy image – and he tolerates no ridicule or slander of his person. There are clear signs that Xi Jinping was planning to cement his grip on China.

 

The Communist Party’s power-broking congress in October confirmed Xi’s induction into the leadership pantheon alongside Mao and market reformer Deng Xiaoping by writing his name and political ideology into the party’s constitution.

Still, the proposal to repeal term limits prompted unusually open expressions of dissent. The move made China vulnerable to repeating the power struggles of past eras. It planted the seeds for China to once again fall into turmoil.

 

President Xi Jinping is moving ahead with his career plan in a systematic manner. In his first five years, he has seized control of economic policy, reasserted the Communist Party’s authority and sidelined potential rivals in an unprecedented anti-corruption campaign. Now, he’s set to make the Xi era permanent.

 

As the undisputed ruler of one-fifth of humanity, Xi is arguably the world’s most powerful leader. US President Donald Trump is battling investigations, Germany’s Angela Merkel is nursing a fragile coalition and Russia’s Vladimir Putin is struggling under sanctions. Xi, meanwhile, laid out a 30-year plan in October for a “New Era” that completes China’s restoration among the world’s great powers. The others are managing countries for a while — he’s trying to build a new one.  He’s got vastly more freedom of action than Trump and Merkel, a vastly stronger economy than Putin, but also probably a more daunting job than any of them — higher expectations.

 

The changes are so sweeping they might be seen as a turning point, with Xi officially remaking the party-state with himself at the center.  The changes leave Xi with sole responsibility for China’s $12 trillion economy, mounting debt pile, more aspirational middle class and growing overseas interests. He’s attempting to become a developed economy without loosening political control, staking the party’s legitimacy on its ability to make China rich and strong.

 

China has cracked down on online criticism of Xi’s power play, even as shares of companies with “king” or “emperor” in their names surged after the amendment was unveiled. Still, the proposal to repeal term limits prompted unusually open expressions of dissent. Li Datong, a former senior editor at the official China Youth Daily newspaper, said made China vulnerable to repeating power struggles of the past.

 

Disappointed that China is not going the Soviet way of disintegration, USA is deeply worried that it is unable to control the presidential poll in Russia and stop Xi from becoming the permanent president of China. Before the vote in Beijing, Donald Trump, maybe disappointed that his country does not have provisions to let him be the permanent US president, had joked that Xi was “now president for life”.

 

The US global dictator Donald Trump has celebrated Xi Jinping’s bid to shepherd China back into an era of one-man dictatorship in China, suggesting the USA might one day “give that a shot”. In fact, Trump praises Xi Jinping’s power grab and admires Xi’s power play.

 

The so-called “Liberals” have condemned the ‘power grab’ in Beijing, which will almost certainly be approved by members of the National People’s Congress. The topic of Xi’s power grab is so politically sensitive within China that nearly all of the academics approached by the Guardian for comment in the lead-up to congress declined to talk.

 

Some experts have criticized the move as the amendment paves the way for Xi to be China’s ruler-for-life. “This is a critical moment in China’s history,” Cheng Li, said a prominent expert in elite Chinese politics who has criticised the move.   Western experts say they are convinced Xi’s plan is to rule for many years to come.

 

Apparently, President Xi has no plan to uproot the Socialist system as Russians have done hurriedly or disband the communist agenda of the regime.

 

Globally, the world now would likely to see China continue to step into a global leadership vacuum as the USA turns inward and far away under President Donald Trump. An expert says domestically it’s about tightening Communist Party control over all aspects of Chinese life in the internet age.

 

While Russia dismantled Socialism and communism and opted to join the US led capitalist nations, China retained its socialist character and adopted gradual transformation to capitalism by adopting convergence method by which both capitalism and capitalism coexist No one can say China is a communist nation or a capitalist outfit.

 

In fact, convergence has percolated conveniently into Chinese system and society a long time ago. Socialism with Chinese Characteristics has long been used to describe how Marxism has been adapted for China. The term was closely associated with Deng Xiaoping as a way to promote economic development.